Make America Great Again I Love Trump

Throughout Donald Trump's tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2022 presidential ballot, as many as nine meg voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). I concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump's political entreatment: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump'south appeals to an earlier fourth dimension in American history have been cited from the offset of the 2022 presidential campaign through his failed 2022 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Bang-up Once more" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working course Americans a return to times that accept been lost (Brownstein, 2016).

Some take hypothesized that such nostalgic rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a wide scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent feature of right-wing populist political party rhetoric, and testify from voters in the Netherlands suggests that the accent of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within cornball messaging is what explains the link betwixt nostalgia and right-fly populist support (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United States, several studies provide strong evidence of a link between support for Trump and group prejudice. For case, survey enquiry has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more than and so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal assay of police reports evidenced a significant increase in hate crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2022 presidential ballot (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). However, no research has of yet established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this stop, in this paper, we nowadays evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice equally well equally support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.

The Sociality of Nostalgia

Nostalgia is a mostly positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). About people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and oft construction their present in apprehension of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in diverse ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connexion and perceived social back up (Sedikides et al., 2008).

The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a primary avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more probable to be evoked while experiencing negative bear upon (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act equally a "repository" of positive bear on, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). Every bit a upshot of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions past evoking and making more salient i's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For instance, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, nostalgic emotions buffer the negative effects of depression social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).

Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.east., those high in personal nostalgia) are also more than motivated to command prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices confronting outgroups as a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Four studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the cocky.

National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia

The link between nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for one's group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to take a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, as distinct from individual-level emotions, ascend when individuals cocky-categorize with a social grouping and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, group-based emotions can differ markedly from their analogous individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their home team while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, group-based emotions serve a regulatory function of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).

Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with ane's ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can be experienced in a variety of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.thou., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like individual-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such every bit a special operation (band or orchestra), graduation twenty-four hour period, homecoming (college grade), or sports championships (metropolis). However, unlike individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia tin occur in the course of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, but rather one that was passed downwards through collective retention (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increment positive attitudes likewise as an approach-oriented action tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic retention (Wildschut et al., 2014, Written report 1). Collective nostalgia likewise tin can increase group-oriented prosociality (e.chiliad., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Green et al., 2021). Collective self-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased collective cocky-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found boosted ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of commonage political action (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).

Nonetheless, there are two sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven past anger and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a commonage nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary collective memory) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 3). However, in some cases, collective nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals tin feel collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a report of onetime Yugoslavians who had settled in Commonwealth of australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were leap together prior to segmentation and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more nostalgic for Yugoslavia and reported more than contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the sometime Yugoslavia (simply non control ethnic groups).

National nostalgia is one blazon of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing as a citizen of a specific country, and is probable to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. But as personal nostalgia during times of alter and upheaval can facilitate coping (e.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a country's proficient old days—may increase felt closeness to beau natives during times of national stress or uncertainty. Yet, cornball revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such every bit recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia among Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) besides as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were not predicted by personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat

The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained past perceptions of threats to one's ingroup by an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial prove has institute that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's actual well-being, and typically include the domains of physical safety, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of i'southward ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come up about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived equally highly different, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are singled-out and examined separately in the literature, there often is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economic, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To exist specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative ability, realistic and symbolic threats tin exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).

One salient factor in perceived threat for members of majority groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more than threat being evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or even through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In one notable set of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the United states of america population was condign more various (relative to control conditions)—that the pct of whites was dropping—reported more than explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward non-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. I possible explanation on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with different intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, also has downstream implications for reducing feet and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, run across Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In contrast, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one'south national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns near one's group-based identity, and may accept the benign issue of reducing feet by bolstering perceptions of grouping continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For instance, trait national nostalgia among Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns near the future of i's country predicted increased collective nostalgia, which in plow predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). Yet, when the presence or ability of outgroups is salient (e.one thousand., chronically or past the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may be particularly true for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for instance, when whites in the United States experience a longing for a (whiter and more than homogenized) by that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increase this fear of the future, leading to increased prejudice.

With the exception of a subsample of United States participants included in the cross-national written report of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has non been examined in the Us. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized relationship in the context of political beliefs. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political issues associated with national and indigenous identities, we extended this line of inquiry by examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found human relationship between national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.

National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging

Recent work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of correct-wing populist political parties, and in item its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural refuse (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often utilise national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's past and nowadays (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective malaise near group status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content assay of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consistent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious by" while denigrating the country's nowadays, every bit well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this discontinuity betwixt past and nowadays, and b) increasing the country'south strength and opposition to party opponents would render the nation to its sometime glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that aperture, populist leaders offer listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-being by denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for correct-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).

Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a potent focus of Donald Trump'south 2022 and 2022 presidential campaign rhetoric¹. In the 2022 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Brand America Great Again," and emphasized claims that the United States had deteriorated from its former condition. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in role, to blame for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a by, whiter version of the United states. Exit polls from the 2022 presidential ballot appeared to support some of these claims, every bit White voters were the but racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of 20 percentage points (CNN, 2016)². Furthermore, several academic studies conducted in the wake of the 2022 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important role in voters' pick to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels constitute that support for Trump was most strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of non-White U.s.a. citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).

To build upon this research, the aim of our study was to direct examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explain support for Trump's populist rhetoric equally well as increases in racial prejudice in the United States following the 2022 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique part of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping U.s.a. voters' political attitudes. We thought it appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United states history and the ever-evolving racial and indigenous demographics of the United states, of which White Americans are becoming less of a bulk (US Census Bureau, 2020).

The Current Study

We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility above and beyond political orientation. We explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2022 U.s. presidential election. We also examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.

Although previous inquiry examined survey information taken around the time of the 2022 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~1 twelvemonth after the election, allowing us to see how our participants felt subsequently President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the nostalgic bulletin of "Making America Swell Again" however resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to appointment, near all of this work has been conducted outside of the United States; thus, this research would explore the potential link betwixt national nostalgia and political attitudes equally well as study the phenomenon in the US sociopolitical mural. In addition, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in order to ameliorate examine the clan between personal and national nostalgia as well as to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.

Hypotheses

Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open up Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).

Hypothesis 1. National nostalgia would be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be institute between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).

Inquiry Question 1. Will White or Republican identity exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?

Research Question 2. Will national nostalgia exist positively related to racial prejudice?

Research Question three. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated past increased threat sensitivity?

Method

Participants

An a priori ability analysis using 1000^*Power (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to find a small correlation of r = 0.09ⁱⁱⁱ with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 U.s. citizens who voted in the 2022 presidential election and identified equally either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.iv% White). Participant age ranged from 18 to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political amalgamation, 44.0% of the participants identified as Democrats, 25.iv% Independent, 23.four% Republican, and 7.2% as Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Autumn of 2022 and compensated $0.30 for completing the survey.

Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2022 election (Pew Enquiry Center, 2018); however, we purposefully oversampled Blackness voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making upward 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, nosotros feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2022 US voters.

Measures

Personal Nostalgia

The Southampton Nostalgia Scale (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how pregnant participants felt cornball experiences were to them. The scale included seven items (e.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from ane (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on past national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), we use a validated mensurate of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).

National Nostalgia

The National Nostalgia Calibration (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the ground of one's national ingroup membership. The calibration included iv items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to 5 (Very frequently) scale. The NNS used in this report was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)⁴ to reflect American nationality [due east.grand., "How often do you long for the America (Netherlands) of the by?"].

Positive Attitudes Toward Trump

In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the State Functions of Nostalgia Calibration (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive touch. Each particular was modified to appraise how participants experienced these benefits every bit they related to Donald Trump's presidency. This scale consisted of xvi items (e.one thousand., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a one (Non at all) to five (Extremely) calibration.

Outgroup Threat Perception

The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to measure realistic threat perceptions (e.thou., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The scale was examined merely amidst White participants. The measure out includes 12 items (eastward.g., "African Americans agree too many positions of power and responsibility in this country") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.

Racial Prejudice

The Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (e.chiliad., "It's actually a affair of some people not trying hard plenty; if Blacks would just endeavor harder they could be just also off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly concord) scale.

Political Measures

Participants reported their political orientation on a calibration ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to 7 (Very Bourgeois). Participants besides chose which political party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2022 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They so responded to the question "How much exercise y'all experience like we demand to 'Make America Great Over again'?" on a 1 (Not at all) to vii (Extremely) calibration. Finally, participants reported their land of origin and whether English was their native language.

Ethnic Identity Salience

The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I take a potent sense of belonging to my ethnic group," and each detail was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) calibration.

Demographics

Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.

Procedure

Participants signed upward through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey about their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the guild described above. All responses were nerveless over a single, one week period in the Fall of 2022 to avoid history artifacts in the data. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attention to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than two attending check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted not-inclusion of that participant'due south data.

Results

Descriptive statistics and zilch-guild correlations are displayed in Table one. To exam our hypotheses, nosotros conducted a serial of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped mediation and moderation analyses to assess the human relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS 5. 20 and Hayes' PROCESS macro v.iii (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we also support our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a calculator error, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, still above the target based on the power assay).

Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations amid study variables.

Main Hypothesis

Nosotros first assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in stride 2 of the model to identify their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In step 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that college conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In stride two of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more pro-Trump attitudes higher up and across political affiliation, β = 0.xxx, t(192) = 4.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In contrast, personal nostalgia was non associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.xiii, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes above and across political orientation, F _{(2, 189)} = 9.ninety, p < 0.001, R²Δ = 0.06.

To examine this relationship in a consolidated path model^v, Figure 1 displays Path Model 1, quantifying the relationship between national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, ethnic identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the data somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. Equally shown in Model one, Hypothesis ane was over again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).

Effigy 1. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, ethnic identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.

Research Question 1

To appraise whether there was an clan betwixt race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, we ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × iii (Political Party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to West/EA and B/AA going forward). Political party amalgamation was coded as 1 = Republican, two = Democrat, and 3 = Independent and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this analysis, data from participants who did not identify with one of these iii major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 W/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model institute that political party amalgamation was the only significant predictor of holding positive attitudes toward President Trump, F _{(two, 228)} = 47.73, p < 0.001, fractional η^two = 0.30, with Republicans (M = 3.94, SD = i.22) more than in favor of the president than their Autonomous (Chiliad = two.06, SD = one.26) or Independent (Thou = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. There was no principal effect of participant race (Black or White) on attitudes toward the President, F _{(1, 228)} = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was there an interaction betwixt political party affiliation and participant race, F _{(two, 228)} = 0.05, p = 0.96. Effigy 2 displays these results.

Figure ii. Human relationship between political party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Fault confined represent 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.

To explore these results further, nosotros examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may be an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. Nosotros examined whether political political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare against Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with W/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro 5. 3.iv (model i). We conducted a bootstrapped moderation analysis with v,000 resamples, which indicated a significant college-gild interaction event between political affiliation and race to predict indigenous identity salience, F _{(2, 228)} = iii.23, p = 0.041, R^twoΔ = 0.024. An analysis of the simple gradient effects indicated that there was a stronger difference in ethnic identity salience among White participants compared with Blackness participants. White Republicans (Yard = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Democratic [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; simple slope deviation F _{(2, 228)} = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no pregnant deviation in racial identity salience was establish among Black/African-American participants; simple gradient departure F _{(ii, 228)} = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main event of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally as important to them as Black participants; K = iii.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.lx, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher indigenous identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure three).

Figure 3. Racial identity salience amidst Black/African-American and White/European-American participants of dissimilar political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Contained). Note. Error bars represent 95% CIs effectually the hateful for each subgroup.

We also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the human relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, but only amidst White participants; ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 3.94, p = 0.051. Among those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.eighteen, 70)] and high [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship betwixt national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.

Equally a final examination of Enquiry Question 1, a second path model (Path Model 2, Figure iv) was compared with Path Model 1 to once more examine the interaction between nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction between political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to notation that path models are mostly considered ineffective in examining interaction effects (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model two showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.09⁶; SRMR = 0.05]. Likely due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in dissimilarity to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction betwixt race and political orientation (measured on a continuous scale) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.thirteen, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.

Figure 4. Path analysis estimating interaction effects (race × political orientation and indigenous identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates.

Research Question 2

We next examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Black racial prejudice measured past the Symbolic Racism Scale (SRS) as well as perceived realistic threat measured past the Realistic Threat Calibration (RTS, see Tabular array one). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, we tested whether racial prejudice chastened the link between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A pregnant moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting higher prejudice exhibited a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ⁱⁱ = 0.05, F _{(1, 178)} = 19.sixty, p < 0.001. Elementary slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure 5 (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-significant at depression levels of prejudice (those at least −i SD below the hateful of SNS). However, for those moderate to loftier in racial prejudice (0, +one, or +ii SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (see Figure 5). Interestingly, this result was institute separately for both White [ΔR ² = 0.03, F _{(1, 77)} = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR ² = 0.09, F _{(1, 97)} = 17.44, p < 0.001], but in that location was no significant three-way interaction between national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.fourteen), so the results in Effigy 5 are displayed for all participants.

Figure 5. Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes moderated by anti-Blackness racial prejudice. Note. Plots brandish simple slopes at −2, −1, 0, +ane, and +2 SDs abroad from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.

Enquiry Question 3

Will the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice be mediated by increased threat sensitivity?

We last examined whether the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice would exist mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured by the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated arbitration model was constructed using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 8) to appraise whether the proposed mediational effect might differ betwixt European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a significant indirect effect of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Blackness/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.thirteen, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect effect did not differ by participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.15, 0.13).

Figure half-dozen. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice past outgroup threat perception, moderated by participant race.

To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model iii (Effigy 7) displays the proposed relationships between national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(2) = 65.80, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When accounting for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated by threat sensitivity [indirect effect β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia likewise showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect consequence β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.14, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.

Effigy 7. Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated past racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients correspond standardized estimates. Indirect effect of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was meaning [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.ten, 0.26)].

Discussion

In our study, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, as well every bit increased perceived racial threat among White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was actually associated indirectly with lower anti-Blackness prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with bear witness from samples outside the Usa (due east.chiliad., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are singled-out experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a stiff semantic connexion between Trump and its 2022 presidential campaign slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better respond this question, our side by side analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.

Our starting time research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We constitute partial evidence for this idea, equally Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. All the same, there was no evidence of a human relationship between race and support for the President. At starting time glance, this finding does non marshal with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'south messaging appealed mostly to White voters. However, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly continued to their racial identity than Whites who identified as either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity equally important every bit Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences farther support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Every bit members of the majority grouping, White individuals typically are less likely to call back of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).

This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed accept been a critical factor in voters' choice to back up Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, every bit a result of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). However, there is an upshot of causality, equally these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of i'due south racial identity. This threat may exist perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central office of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, forth with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were essentially more likely to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may as well offer an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may exist and then bonny to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity aperture in order to foment anxiety about the country of the country while simultaneously offer a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.

The function of intergroup attitudes was credible when examining the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We found that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was found amidst both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may take been due to lower power. Additionally, we found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings marshal with evidence that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in particular, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In particular, these findings align with converging evidence that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to be "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of collective nostalgia, likewise explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging by evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face up of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts well-nigh the "skillful old days" when i'south group was perceived to be college in condition or less threatened past outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own way, by assuasive individuals to feel connected to a fourth dimension in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, coordinating to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of self-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries establish that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging only non prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively little research on commonage nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, time to come piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, especially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can identify whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) collective nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.

Constraint on Generalizability

These data were obtained from a cross-sectional grouping of Usa Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, and so these results are most generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups inside the United States, and future analysis of national nostalgia should continue to appraise unlike ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.

Future Directions

These findings raise the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a want by some to get back in fourth dimension, due to perceived grouping identity threats. Future enquiry should use longitudinal or experimental methods, such every bit manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises every bit a defense against perceived threats to i's ingroup. Relatedly, information technology is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the bulk of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Farther work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would permit u.s.a. to better understand how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should also proceed to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a function in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The demand for further enquiry in this area has grown substantially in recent years, especially in light of events such equally those that took place in Charlottesville in 2022 and at the US Capitol Edifice in early 2021, in which big groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned violent.

An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates inside specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has ended, the importance of these findings is non constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the apply of national nostalgia in political advice is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future inquiry should examine the role of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when because a variety of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions about one's national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may also operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas well-nigh one's group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great over again" and other nostalgic political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the United states because minority groups have achieved significant advances in ceremonious rights in recent history, and a call to return to a onetime time may imply a call for a render to a one-time and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Futurity enquiry on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression amidst various indigenous and social groups in unlike countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a lesser extent within nations with different histories.

Future research might too examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.thou., economical) vs. symbolic (due east.yard., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, as concerns near immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Understanding the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the ever-evolving demographic makeup of the U.s. (every bit well as many other countries), further work in this area should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should likewise be expanded to look at different identities such equally gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social form, education level, and nation of origin.

Coda

National nostalgia, a class of collective cornball experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such equally political and prejudicial attitudes, peculiarly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Inquiry to date on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (mostly in European and Asian nations), this is the get-go study, to our cognition, to examine the The states political mural. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for 1'southward personal past—does non take the same associations with political and grouping attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In contrast, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.

There may exist some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this example, an America that was not every bit white every bit some retrieve. Nevertheless, these national cornball feelings appear to be linked to of import social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.

Information Availability Statement

The datasets presented in this study can be institute in online repositories. All reported written report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, bachelor at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified data and study data can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were non analyzed in this study and therefore not listed in this report.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and canonical past Virginia Commonwealth University IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this written report.

Writer Contributions

AB, Ac, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Air-conditioning oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and design of the study and assisted with subsequent revisions.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or fiscal relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Footnotes

1. ^We note that intergroup relations were too a salient theme in the 2022 election (eastward.one thousand., the function of the Black Lives Matter move); notwithstanding, every bit our data were nerveless in 2017, we emphasize the 2022 ballot in this paper.

2. ^Though a majority of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the go out polls showed that the greatest differential was among Blackness voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to viii% (CNN, 2016). Thus, we chose to use Black voters as a comparison grouping to the Caucasian sample.

3. ^The Pearson correlation betwixt national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, study ii).

four. ^The authors would like to note that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, as it was published but prior to the time this study was developed. However, the decision was fabricated prior to information collection to utilise this validated scale equally a more straight and statistically sound way to measure the construct of national nostalgia.

5. ^Although structural equation models are ofttimes used to model paths among blended variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), nosotros opted to utilise a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large plenty to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.

6. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is frequently considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to go inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).

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Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full

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